【一般論文】

辨識「中國因素」，還原新聞自由：建構台灣傳媒的出路／馮建三（104 民105.9 頁1-57）

「中國因素」對於台灣具有接近本質屬性的影響，由來已久，但其命名與對於台灣傳媒的意義，凸顯自2008年、特別是2012年以來的「反媒體壟斷運動」。回顧歷史，台灣的「國家機器」從1949年起，就一直獨佔中國因素的界定權力；1990年代以後，「資本」與「人民」相繼進場，提出有同有異的中國內涵。傳媒資本不但以中國市場作為資本增殖的想像，亦取中國作為區隔台灣新聞市場的利器之一；國家則在政治考量之外，逐漸納入資本的經濟觀點。人民社團認為中國因素威脅了台灣的新聞自由，兩度採取大規模的對抗行動，但也兩次產生行動者未曾預料的正面效應。考察國家、資本與人民的這些動向之後，本文最後指出，面對中國，台灣必須引入新的認知，還原「新聞自由」的完整面貌，不再停留於「消極自由」這個台灣已有亞洲最優表現的面向，而是必須正視台灣傳媒欠缺「積極自由」的事實，進而通過公共政策擴大公共服務媒體的規模，一舉兩得，既使其足以扮演台灣傳媒市場領導者的角色，並且也同時積極轉化中國因素，使其成為更新台灣傳媒制度的重要動力之一。

關鍵詞： 反媒體壟斷、中國因素、積極新聞自由、消極新聞自由、公共服務媒體

“China factor” has always been a force making impacts upon Taiwan and her media, though its “official” debut was in 2012 with the ascent of anti-media monopoly campaigns. The party-state in Taiwan monopolized its interpretation prior to the lift of martial law in 1987. Subsequently, the capital and the people entered to offer their versions. “China factor” has been mostly considered as a market segmentation, as a business opportunity, or as a threat to Taiwan’s sov-ereignty and identity. In this paper, it will be suggested that there is another “China factor” that should be recognized or constructed for uplifting Taiwan’s media. For advancing this vision, an authentic concept of press freedom is restored. While there are two aspects of press freedom, the negative aspect is emphasized to the neglect of its positive dimension. Building upon negative freedom that generations of people contested and won considerably, Taiwan has to strike hard and enriches media’s positive freedom by expanding the Public Service Media (PSM). This is at once a significant strategy and an end in itself. PSM will be more accountable to Taiwan’s society, less susceptible to China’s market, and more resistant to the latter’s economic “briberies and seductions.”

Keywords: anti-media monopoly, China factor, positive press freedom, negative press freedom, public service media

第二套住房選擇與社會正義：以上海為例／王行（104 民105.9 頁59-102）

1998年以來，中國住宅呈現商品化現象，亦即住宅的價值超越了居住的功能，越來越多人購買二間或以上的住宅。在2010年，中國國務院頒布「新國十條」，開始對購買第二套及以上住宅者，進行貸款限制。於是，中國政府在面對住宅市場過熱、甚至引發泡沫風險之時， 首波打房政策整治的對象，就瞄向了「中產階級」，使社會不正義的責備指向了這個群體，形成社會整體卸責的結果。在這樣的背景下，本文擇定上海作為研究區域，針對2009-2010年期間在上海擁有「第二套住房」的20位上海人，進行半結構式深度訪談、主題分析（thematic analysis），以及描述統計分析，探討中國在住房改革十年來的政策結構下，這些已擁有「第二套住房」或者還在籌畫購屋的中產階級，當他們選擇「第二套住房」時，會形成什麼樣的敘事？而這些敘事，能否顯現出他們差異的空間經驗，進而翻轉其社會不正義的標籤？本文更追問，最終不正義的社會責任，又將由誰承擔？最後，本研究發現，現有論述對於「第二套住房」業主的責備，並無法積極解決不正義的現狀，而社會結構所造成的壓迫恐怕才是主因，此不僅表現在弱勢階層，也同樣讓看似無罪的中產階級捲入邪惡之渦。本研究分析表明， 這種集體邪惡，係由社會結構和參與者共同創造，一旦責備失焦，將造成真正涉入者得以卸責、無罪，社會結構的壓迫性無異更為嚴峻。而本文所提「集體責任」的積極觀點，將有利於導入並作為扭轉不正義的契機。

關鍵詞： 第二套住房、住宅選擇、中產階級、社會正義、深度訪談、上海

Since 1998, along with housing commercialization, owning a second home has become more and more prevalent in China. However, the owners of second homes, generally seen as the middle class, became the target of a new wave of housing policies which aimed at curbing the estate speculation. Putting the blame of social injustice on the middle class,this resulted in the collective relief of responsibility. To critically reflect on this situation, the paper selected Shanghai as its study area, with the fieldwork carried out during the summer time in 2009-2010. Twenty interviewees who owned second homes were se-lected through the snowballing sampling and semi-structured in-depth interviews were undertaken with them. By using the thematic and descriptive statistics analysis to explore what kind of narratives would be constructed when second home owners made their housing choice, the paper seeks to ask what kinds of different spatial experiences could be revealed by these narratives and who should really take the social responsibility for spatial injustice. This study finds that the blame on second homes’ middle class owners is incapable of actively resolving the existing injustice, for the oppression from social structure is the main reason, which not only affects the vulnerable social classes but also pulls the seemingly innocent middle class into the vortex of evil. This study shows that this collective evil of spatial injustice is co-constructed by social structure and those who participated in it. Therefore a blame which misses this point would relieve the real culprits of their responsibilities. This paper proposes the concept of “collective responsibility” as a more effective way to reverse the injustice.

Keywords: second home, housing choice, middle class, social justice, in-depth interview, Shanghai

台灣工礦公司之民營化：以分廠出售為主的討論／洪紹洋（103 民105.9 頁103-148）

本論文關注省營台灣工礦公司如何在土地改革制度下實施分廠出售民營化，以及民營化政策對民間資本積累與地主資本的影響。從戰前、戰後台灣經濟的延續性而論，部分於戰時興起的新興工業，戰後初期併入台灣工礦公司。戰後這些生產部門因台灣工礦公司受限於資金與資源而停滯，直到分廠出售民營化才持續發展，部分並成為台灣較具規模的企業。台灣工礦公司採行分廠出售的民營化方式，促成民間資本可以較低的成本取得廠房，免除創廠初期的前置作業。民營化初期持有台灣工礦公司較多股份的股東，透過分廠出售的政策獲得廠礦經營權。這些取得廠礦的經營者，多數非地主階層出身。而台灣工礦公司歷經分廠出售後，至1960年代初期不但面臨經營上的虧損，股價也呈現低迷。此時持有台灣工礦公司股東的地主或投資人，因為公司營運困難，無法從持有該公司的股票獲利。透過本論文的研究結果，可知悉參與董事會為數不少的成員為非地主出身，與政府宣稱土地改革促使地主資本流入工商業之論述，似有未合之處。

關鍵詞： 土地改革、四大公司民營化、分廠出售、台灣工礦公司、新興工業

This paper analyzes the privatization of Taiwan Industrial and Mining Company under the land reform policy, with a special focus on its option to sell individual factories and how this approach impacted the accumulation of private capital, in particular that of the landowners. With an eye on the continuity of Taiwan economy from the colonial era to the postwar period, it is noticeable that some of the emerging industries established during the wartime were incorporated into the Taiwan Industrial and Mining Company after war. However, these production sectors became stagnant in the postwar years due to the company’s limited funds and resources. It wasn’t until its privatization through selling individual factories that they grew again and eventually became some of the most developed business groups in Taiwan. For this particular way of privatization enabled the private capital to obtain factories with lower cost of initial equipment investment. During the early stage of privatization, the shareholders who possessed most stocks of the Taiwan Industrial and Mining Company got the franchise of the factories, but most of them did not belong to the landowners’ class. In the early 1960s, after the privatization and selling of individual factories were done, the Taiwan Industrial and mining Company underwent operating losses and its stock price hit an all-time low. At this point, the remaining shareholders of the company, most of them landowners and general investors, could no longer profit from the stocks. Therefore, the official version that land reform successfully channeled the landowners’ capital into industrial and commercial sectors is challenged.

Keywords: land reform, privatization of the Four Companies, selling individual factories, Taiwan Industrial and Mining Company, emerging industry

【問題與討論】

中國的大豆危機：「現代化」的邏輯及話語權抗爭／嚴海蓉、陳義媛、古學斌（104 民105.9 頁149-182）

萊斯特．布朗（Lester R. Brown）在1995年發出警告：誰來養活中國？在此背景下，本文考察了中國大豆產業的巨大變遷：直到1990年代中期，中國還是一個大豆（也稱黃豆）的淨出口國，而自2000年開始，中國成為了全世界最大的轉基因大豆進口國。隨著中國大豆進口的激增，國內的大豆生產急劇下跌，導致了中國「大豆產業危機」的疾呼。本文考察了關於中國大豆進口的不同解釋話語，以及與之相關的一系列爭論和批判性反思，這些爭論和反思的焦點是中國在全球化中的地位、國家在食物安全中的作用、轉基因食品的安全性、消費者權利、何謂科學權威以及跨國企業的權力。在這些爭論中，中國的批判者對美國和南美這兩大向中國出口轉基因大豆的主要生產區有相當不同的看法。

關鍵詞： 食品安全、轉基因安全、話語權、消費者權利、食物主權

Lester Brown sounded an alarm in 1995: who will feed China? Against this backdrop, this article examines China’s dramatic turn from having been a soybean net exporter, up until the mid-1990s, to the biggest importer of genetically- modified (GM) soybeans since 2000. With China’s growing soybean imports, domestic soybean production has experienced a drastic fall